Theory
Constitutional review under conventional popular sovereignty model
Democracy = a means of managing power relations to minimise domination
Does so by governance by consent of people — collective self-legislation — people author laws and then live under them
BUT laws are in fact made by majority or their representatives
So minority require separation of powers to safeguard their interests
That division of power is done according to constitution enacted by the people — even a self-interested majority recognise possibility that will become minority & so enact checks on power
BUT implies that the ‘people’ have the right to bind themselves in perpetuity — as judges striking down legislation are not acting by authority conferred by the current people — and that would surely require originalist interpretations of the Constitution
By jurisdiction
UK — no written constitution or popular motion conferring such power on the courts
Except perhaps for distributive theory that judicial power originated in the King
France — Written constitution provides little support and courts have gone far beyond it
EU — Written constitution not enacted by popular vote but by negotiations between States
Legal (Craig) <> Political (Tomkins) Constitutionalism
Difference: How to hold the executive to account
Political constitutionalism — political & institutional accountability — by parliamentarians, electors, political debate, questioning, investigation & scrutiny
Transparency, democracy, participation & representation, deliberation through committees, consultation to obtain evidence of impact — better suited to proportionality analysis
criticism of “juristocracy” — but not inconsistent with desire for substantive law that respects human rights & civil liberties
Legal constitutionalism — accountability by judicial application of law
Justice, protection of minorities, human rights
Role of courts under political constitutionalism
Uses arguments against strong JR to undermine JR of administrative acts — BUT —
To eliminate judicial evaluative exercises would undermine all adjudication in public & private law — interpretation of terms such as “inhumane & degrading treatment” is laden with value-judgments
Democratic deficit — executive power is delegated to civil servants who possess significant discretions, and deference is exercised by courts to extent necessary
Reduction in JR = reduction in individual redress in the particular case, even if gov can be effectively controlled through other means
Other redress mechanisms exist but eg to elevate ombudsman to same power as courts would create same objections
Would require exit from ECHR & HRA
Rights & JR — Accepts judicially enforceable substantive rights only where
sufficiently narrowly defined & absolute — eg ban on torture
Determination of meaning/content of a legal term rather than balancing policy matters
process issues (eg fair trial rights)
Judges better trained to deal with procedural fairness — extends by analogy to consultation processes
<> qualified evaluative methods that require proportionality are problematic — really just political problems dressed up as judicial solutions (eg freedom of speech)
Administrative powers — conferred by so must be limited by law: Entick v Carrington —
Should not engage in rationality or proportionality review
But divide between purpose/relevancy & rationality/proportionality is unclear — eg dismissal of teacher for hair colour is irrational <> hair colour is not relevant consideration
IE just depends how a case is pleaded
BUT Royal Prerogative — some executive power is not statutory — said to stem from the Constitution but in reality is a common law power given to the executive
<> in Australia, where constitution is written
Permits courts keeping public bodies within their power — but in what sense? — links into ultra vires debate
Narrow, pre-Anisminic JE (in different forms)
Misuse of power
Various principles of legality, incl LEs, equality, respect for rights
Permits courts to resolve ambiguity in power in favour of liberty — principle of legality
Craig — Not clear why this is so, if JR based on rights is impermissible
Make findings based on evidence
Some evaluative judgments require evidence which is not usually before a court — judicial notice is a weak tool: eg ruling in Belmarsh that 9/11 constituted ‘public emergency’ (but striking down derogation from rights on basis that not ‘strictly necessary), made without any evidence
Corner House — HL weighing public interest in continuing investigation of bribery <> public interest in avoiding Saudi threat of ceasing cooperation on intelligence, risking lives of citizens — no attempt to ascertain the level of such a threat held decision of prosecutor to abandon investigation was lawful
Role of Parliament in Political Constitution
Take care in conferring powers on executive
Adopt thorough scrutiny measures, consultation, etc
Courts should refer questions back to parliament — as under HRA — essentially Courts another layer in the QA process
Should extend HRA incompatibility declarations to findings as to scope of government powers — ie where not necessary as under Terrorism legislation, or where prerogative executive power too broad
UK
The need for justification
All other exercises of power (legislative & executive) stem from a higher authority <> High Court does not, provided we reject the declaratory theory of common law
IE courts have the power they say they have: Sir John Laws
Necessary outcome of system where one institution has to be charged with determining the limits of power
BUT courts are restrained by convention, precedent, need to reason normatively & wording of constitution where applicable, opportunity to reason inter partes, etc
And relies on conception of power as factual in nature, divorced from the law
<> Courts have only the power the constitution gives them
Required by the rule of law & to avoid arbitrariness
In JR, courts transgress onto executive functions (and potentially legislative functions, which traditionally ensure proper conduct of administration)
Essay plan
Ultra vires rule cannot account for the positive public law as it is today
Possibly legitimate to imply certain procedural restrictions but…
Supervision of non-statutory powers
Post-Anisminic & Page
Ultra vires rule is the only one supported by UK Constitution
Therefore everything in UK post-Anisminic is desirable but wrong — urgently need to put on constitutional footing
The ultra vires rule
= court my intervene if and only if administrative action ultra vires
Parliament is sovereign
To administer law, it gives authority to executive bodies
Those executive bodies are subject to the constraints on the power given to them:
Content — must not commit jurisdictional error (in the narrow sense in Anisminic) — making decision not permitted to make
Manner — must not make decision in a manner outside implied limits on power conferred by Parliament (“broad” JE) = incompatible with good administration
Includes
Procedural unfairness
Relevant/irrelevant considerations
Bad faith
Wednesbury unreasonableness
Theoretically rebuttable — but courts reluctant to dispense with them
Consequences of ultra vires basis for JR
If within jurisdiction in narrow sense, prima facie lawful — restrictions in broad sense must be developed with this in mind
Courts could not substitute judgment for opinions of agency
Common ground between critics & advocates of ultra vires theory
Basis for narrow JE
Public bodies should be kept within sphere of authority
That sphere is defined with reference to the legislative source of power
“Modified ultra vires”
Concedes that
Legislature rarely has any positive intent as to content of JR
Courts can legitimately review exercises of non-statutory power
But maintain that ultra vires theory necessary to maintain parliamentary supremacy
Parliament intends that powers conferred be exercised in accordance with rule of law — impossible to have specific intention so leaves to creativity of courts
Requirements of rule of law / constitution shift and so does JR
Possibilities of relationship between legislative intention in conferring power and judicial review
Positive intention that no implied limits on power
Positive intention of detailed implied limits attributed by courts
Can only grant subject to condition of good administration — implies constraint on powers of Parliament
Either grants or withholds authority to act unreasonably — requirements of rule of law create presumption that such authority is withheld
Favoured by modified ultra vires theorists
No relationship — common law supplies principles of good administration
Favoured by common law theorists
Arguments against the ultra vires rationale
Narrow conception of JE — too indeterminate
All determinations of law are a precondition to exercise of a statutory power — Various approaches to establishing JE <> error within jurisdiction
Limited review
Collateral fact doctrine
ie including where conditions to exercise of power misconstrued as well as disregarded
Extensive review — all errors of fact
Ultra vires provides no particular support for any of these — therefore loses potency as legitimising force for any particular one — mere fig leaf giving ex post legitimacy, but no guidance ex ante
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